By Samuel G. Howard in
RIFuture.org
In 2010, the property tax came into full view for me. That was
the year the Providence City Council was forced to raise taxes on the East
Side, whose property values had increased while the rest of the city’s had
fallen.
A friend of mine called me up to turn out with his family to the City
Council meeting. Flanked by three landlords (all living on the property they
rented) I sat through the proceedings, which brought cries of anguish from the
watchers as the Council did what it felt necessary to prevent bankruptcy.
Sometime after, we were canvassing voters in Woonsocket, and
door after door, property taxes topped the list of complaints. It’s hard to
stand there and listen to a woman describe how she’ll have to leave the home
she raised her children in because she can’t pay the tax and knowing that
there’s little the office your candidate is running for will have little to do
with it.
Property tax seems to be the forgotten trio of the big three
taxes in the state; the other two are sales and income. Duels over the latter
two seem to be yearly battles; Governor Lincoln Chafee previously fought
ineffectually to broaden and reduce the sales tax, while House Minority Leader
Brian Newberry made it his opening salvo for the 2013 legislative session. The
General Assembly, which implemented a “flat tax” and then handily “repealed” it
by making it permanent. It seems to have had the intended effect, if that
effect was for the economy to stay flat.
Property taxes, in the meantime, have shot up, with communities
across the state asking to raise them beyond state caps. Anger over the car tax
(a form of property tax) has become especially emblematic of the issue; worse,
it has turned citizens against large nonprofit institutions who pay only voluntary
payments to communities. Unrestricted by property tax, they’re free the
purchase real estate and shrink a community’s tax base while greatly enriching
the nonprofit. [EDITOR'S NOTE: In Charlestown’s case, it’s open space].
But our communities have little choice to accept this; they are
devoid of other funding mechanisms. The General Assembly is unwilling to
provide funding for cities and towns, the same funding it cut off years ago. So
now we are strangling ourselves with the property tax.
A solution to this revenue dilemma seems to lie in a post on The
Urbanophile, (urban analyst Aaron Renn’s blog) post about New England vs. Midwest culture (and
yes, I saw Mr. Renn recent post in GoLocal and did some reading):
The manner in which local taxes were levied in Connecticut is
very different than in Ohio. In Ohio, income tax (charged where you work, not
live) funds much of the local revenue for cities and townships, with property
taxes going to fund school districts which are operated as separate
governmental subdivisions. In Connecticut, property taxes support most of the
local level spending, so property value is king. In a majority (although not
all) of the communities the school district is only semi-autonomous and is
funded directly as a line item in the municipal budget.
Would allowing Rhode Island’s communities to tax in this manner;
levying an income tax based on employment location, while reducing property
taxes to cover only school districts; create a better Rhode Island? It would
drastically shift incentives, away from maintaining property values (which are
already going to be high in one of the most densely populated states) towards
job creation.
Furthermore, it would change the tax base away from those who
can’t pay the tax to those who can. Rents, likewise, would lose some of their
upwards pressure; renters might actually see savings afterwards, and rents might
be likely to come down. Resentment towards large institutions might also
dissipate. While protected from property taxes, I’m pretty sure nonprofits are not shielded from income taxes, meaning that they
would be taxpayers along with the rest of Rhode Island’s citizenry.
Negotiations over raising their voluntary payments might permanently end,
especially if large institutions found ways to assist their local school
systems.
It would undoubtedly be a radical action for the state to take.
But when the moderate, timid actions have failed, what else is left? It’s time
to give our communities better tools to defeat their fiscal fears.
Samuel G. Howard
is a native-born Rhode Islander, educated in
Providence Public Schools, went to college in North Carolina and a political
junkie and pessimistic optimist.