By
Robert
Reich
The President blames himself for the Democrat’s big losses
Election Day. “We have not been successful in going out there and letting
people know what it is that we’re trying to do and why this is the right
direction,” he said Sunday.
In other words, he didn’t sufficiently tout the Administration’s
accomplishments.
I respectfully disagree.
If you want a single reason for why Democrats lost big on
Election Day 2014 it’s this: Median household income continues to drop. This is the first “recovery” in memory when
this has happened.
Jobs are coming back but wages aren’t. Every month the job
numbers grow but the wage numbers go nowhere.
Most new jobs are in part-time or low-paying positions. They pay less than the jobs lost in the Great Recession.
This wageless recovery has been made all the worse because pay
is less predictable than ever. Most Americans don’t know what they’ll be
earning next year or even next month. Two-thirds are now living paycheck to paycheck.
So why is this called a “recovery” at all? Because, technically,
the economy is growing. But almost all the gains from that growth are
going to a small minority at the top.
In fact, 100
percent of the gains have gone to the best-off 10 percent.
Ninety-five percent have gone to the top 1 percent.
And they’re convinced the game is rigged against them.
Fifty years ago, just 29 percent of voters believed government is “run by a few big
interests looking out for themselves.” Now, 79 percent think so.
According to Pew, the percentage of Americans who believe most
people who want to get ahead can do so through hard work has plummeted 14 points since 2000.
What the President and other Democrats failed to communicate
wasn’t their accomplishments. It was their understanding that the economy
is failing most Americans and big money is overrunning our democracy.
And they failed to convey their commitment to an economy and a
democracy that serve the vast majority rather than a minority at the top.
Some Democrats even ran on not being Barack Obama. That’s
no way to win. Americans want someone fighting for them, not running away from
the President.
The midterm elections should have been about jobs and wages, and
how to reform a system where nearly all the gains go to the top. It was an
opportunity for Democrats to shine. Instead, they hid.
Consider that in four “red” states — South Dakota, Arkansas,
Alaska, and Nebraska — the same voters who sent Republicans to the Senate voted
by wide margins to raise their state’s minimum wage. Democratic candidates
in these states barely mentioned the minimum wage.
So what now?
Republicans, soon to be in charge of Congress, will push their
same old supply-side, trickle-down, austerity economics.
They’ll want policies that further enrich those who are already
rich. That lower taxes on big corporations and deliver trade agreements
written in secret by big corporations. That further water down Wall Street
regulations so the big banks can become even bigger – too big to fail, or jail,
or curtail.
They’ll exploit the public’s prevailing cynicism by delivering
just what the cynics expect.
And the Democrats? They have a choice.
They can refill their campaign coffers for 2016 by trying to
raise even more money from big corporations, Wall Street, and wealthy
individuals. And hold their tongues about the economic slide of the
majority, and the drowning of our democracy.
Or they can come out swinging. Not just for a higher minimum
wage but also for better schools, paid family and medical leave, and child care
for working families.
- For resurrecting the Glass-Steagall Act and limiting the size of Wall Street banks.
- For saving Social Security by lifting the cap on income subject to payroll taxes.
- For rebuilding the nation’s roads, bridges, and ports.
- For increasing taxes on corporations with high ratios of CEO pay to the pay of average workers.
- And for getting big money out of politics, and thereby saving our democracy.
It’s the choice of the century.
Democrats have less than two years to make it.
ROBERT B. REICH, Chancellor’s Professor of
Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at
the Blum Center for Developing Economies, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton
administration. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet
secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including
the best sellers “Aftershock" and “The Work of Nations." His latest,
"Beyond Outrage," is now out in paperback. He is also a founding editor
of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new film,
"Inequality for All," is now available on Netflix, iTunes, DVD, and
On Demand.
