By Robert
Reich
Presidential aspirants in both parties are talking about saving
the middle class. But the middle class can’t be saved unless Wall Street is
tamed.
The Street’s excesses pose a continuing danger to average
Americans. And its ongoing use of confidential corporate information is
defrauding millions of middle-class investors.
Yet most presidential aspirants don’t want to talk about taming
the Street because Wall Street is one of their largest sources of campaign
money.
Do we really need reminding about what happened six years ago?
The financial collapse crippled the middle class and poor — consuming the
savings of millions of average Americans, and causing 23 million to lose their jobs, 9.3 million to lose their health insurance, and
some 1 million to lose their homes.
And money is cheaper than ever. The Fed continues to hold the
prime interest rate near zero.
This has fueled the Street’s eagerness to borrow money at
rock-bottom rates and use it to make risky bets that will pay off big if they
succeed, but will cause big problems if they go bad.
We learned last week that Goldman Sachs has been on a shopping binge, buying cheap real estate stretching
from Utah to Spain, and a variety of companies.
If not technically a violation of the new Dodd-Frank banking
law, Goldman’s binge surely violates its spirit.
Meanwhile, the Street’s lobbyists have gotten Congress to repeala provision of Dodd-Frank curbing excessive
speculation by the big banks.
The language was drafted by Citigroup and personally pushed by Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan
Chase.
Not incidentally, Dimon recently complained of being “under assault” by bank regulators.
Last year JPMorgan’s board voted to boost Dimon’s pay to $20 million, despite the bank paying out more than $20 billion to settle various legal problems going back
to financial crisis.
The American middle class needs stronger bank regulations, not
weaker ones.
Last summer, bank regulators told the big banks their plans for
orderly bankruptcies were “unrealistic.” In other words, if the banks collapsed,
they’d bring the economy down with them.
Dodd-Frank doesn’t even cover bank bets on foreign exchanges.
Yet recent turbulence in the foreign exchange market has caused huge losses at hedge funds and brokerages.
This comes on top of revelations of widespread manipulation by the big banks of the foreign-exchange market.
Wall Street is also awash in inside information unavailable to
average investors.
Just weeks ago a three- judge panel of the U.S. court of appeals
that oversees Wall Street reversed an insider-trading conviction, saying
guilt requires proof a trader knows the tip was leaked in exchange for some
“personal benefit” that’s “of some consequence.”
Meaning that if a CEO tells his Wall Street golfing buddy about
a pending merger, the buddy and his friends can make a bundle — to the
detriment of small, typically middle-class, investors.
That three-judge panel was composed entirely of appointees of
Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush.
But both parties have been drinking at the Wall Street trough.
In the 2008 presidential campaign, the financial sector ranked fourth among all industry groups giving to then
candidate Barack Obama and the Democratic National Committee. In fact, Obama
reaped far more in contributions from the Street than did his Republican
opponent.
Wall Street also supplies both administrations with key economic
officials. The treasury secretaries under Bill Clinton and George W. Bush –
Robert Rubin and Henry Paulson, respectfully, had both chaired Goldman Sachs before
coming to Washington.
And before becoming Obama’s treasury secretary, Timothy Geithner
had been handpicked by Rubin to become president of Federal Reserve Bank of New
York. (Geithner is now back on the Street as president of the private-equity
firm Warburg Pincus.)
It’s nice that presidential aspirants are talking about
rebuilding America’s middle class.
But to be credible, he (or she) has to take clear aim at the
Street.
That means proposing to limit the size of the biggest Wall
Street banks; resurrect the Glass-Steagall Act (which used to separate
investment from commercial banking); define insider trading the way most other
countries do – using information any reasonable person would know is
unavailable to most investors; and close the revolving door between the Street
and the U.S. Treasury.
It also means not depending on the Street to finance their
campaigns.
ROBERT B. REICH, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at
the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center
for Developing Economies, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration.
Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of
the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including the best
sellers “Aftershock" and “The Work of Nations." His latest,
"Beyond Outrage," is now out in paperback. He is also a founding
editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new
film, "Inequality for All," is now available on Netflix, iTunes, DVD,
and On Demand.