By
Robert Reich
My
recent column about the growth of on-demand jobs like Uber making life less
predictable and secure for workers unleashed a small barrage of criticism from
some who contend that workers get what they’re worth in the market.
A Forbes Magazine contributor, for example, writes that
jobs exist only “when both employer and employee are happy with the deal
being made.” So if the new jobs are low-paying and irregular, too bad.
Much the same
argument was voiced in the late nineteenth century over alleged “freedom of contract.” Any deal between employers and
workers was assumed to be fine if both sides voluntarily agreed to it.
It was an era
when many workers were “happy” to toil twelve-hour days in sweat shops for lack
of any better alternative.
It was also a
time of great wealth for a few and squalor for many. And of corruption, as the
lackeys of robber barons deposited sacks of cash on the desks of pliant
legislators.
We also learned
that capitalism needs a fair balance of power between big corporations and
workers.
We achieved that
through antitrust laws that reduced the capacity of giant corporations to
impose their will, and labor laws that allowed workers to organize and bargain
collectively.
By the 1950s,
when 35 percent of private-sector workers belonged to a labor
union, they were able to negotiate higher wages and better working conditions
than employers would otherwise have been “happy” to provide.
But now we seem
to be heading back to nineteenth century.
Corporations are
shifting full-time work onto temps, free-lancers, and contract workers who fall
outside the labor protections established decades ago.
The nation’s
biggest corporations and Wall Street banks are larger and more potent than
ever.
And labor union
membership has shrunk to fewer than 7 percent of private-sector workers.
So it’s not
surprising we’re once again hearing that workers are worth no more than what
they can get in the market.
But as we should
have learned a century ago, markets don’t exist in nature. They’re created by
human beings. The real question is how they’re organized and for whose benefit.
In the late
nineteenth century they were organized for the benefit of a few at the top.
But by the
middle of the twentieth century they were organized for the vast majority.
During the
thirty years after the end of World War II, as the economy doubled in size, so
did the wages of most Americans — along with improved hours and working
conditions.
Yet since around
1980, even though the economy has doubled once again (the Great Recession
notwithstanding), the wages most Americans have stagnated. And their benefits
and working conditions have deteriorated.
This isn’t
because most Americans are worth less. In fact, worker productivity is higher than ever.
It’s because big
corporations, Wall Street, and some enormously rich individuals have gained
political power to organize the market in ways that have enhanced their wealth
while leaving most Americans behind.
That includes trade agreements protecting
the intellectual property of large corporations and Wall Street’s financial
assets, but not American jobs and wages.
Bailouts of big
Wall Street banks and their executives and shareholders when they can’t pay
what they owe, but not of homeowners who can’t meet their mortgage payments.
Bankruptcy
protection for big corporations, allowing them to shed their debts,
including labor contracts. But no bankruptcy protection for college graduates
over-burdened with student debts.
Antitrust
leniency toward a vast swathe of American industry – including Big Cable
(Comcast, AT&T, Time-Warner), Big Tech (Amazon, Google), Big Pharma, the
largest Wall Street banks, and giant retailers (Walmart).
But less
tolerance toward labor unions — as workers trying to form unions are fired with
impunity, and more states adopt so-called “right-to-work” laws that
undermine unions.
We seem to be
heading full speed back to the late nineteenth century.
So what will be
the galvanizing force for change this time?
ROBERT B. REICH, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at
the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center
for Developing Economies, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration.
Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of
the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including the best
sellers “Aftershock" and “The Work of Nations." His latest,
"Beyond Outrage," is now out in paperback. He is also a founding
editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new
film, "Inequality for All," is now available on Netflix, iTunes, DVD,
and On Demand.