By Robert Reich
When I was a boy and lost just about every sporting event I
tried, my father told me, “What counts isn’t whether you win or lose but how
you play the game.”
Most parents told their kids this. It was part of the American
creed. But I doubt Fred Trump passed on the same advice to little Donald,
who seems to have learned the opposite: It’s not how you play the game but
whether you win or lose.
If there’s one idea that summarizes Donald Trump — his
character, temperament, career, business strategy, politics and worldview —
it’s winning at any cost. That’s the art of the deal.
Playing the game well or honorably is irrelevant.
Now that he is the presumed Republican nominee for the highest
office in the land, this view is outright dangerous.
Government is about process. Democracy is about law. The
Constitution establishes the rules of the game. A tacit social contract binds
us all together.
So when, as the presumed Republican presidential nominee, Trump says a federal judge who’s considering a case against him is a “disgrace” and a “hater” who shouldn’t be hearing the case because the judge’s parents were Mexican, he’s doing more than insulting a member of the judiciary. He’s attacking our legal system.
When Trump threatens his critics, saying he’ll “loosen” federal
libel laws to sue news organizations and unleash federal regulators on those
who oppose him, he’s not just bullying. He’s endangering our democracy.
And when Trump foments bigotry, demanding that people of a
certain faith not be allowed into the United States, or claiming without any
evidence that “thousands and thousands” of Muslim Americans in New Jersey
celebrated the collapse of the Twin Towers on 9/11, he’s not just telling lies.
He’s threatening the social contract that binds us together.
If governing is not undertaken correctly and respectfully, the
entire system we rely on is weakened.
Trump is the extreme, but his candidacy is the logical culmination
of years of win-at-any-cost politics. If any public official is responsible for
starting us down this bleak road, it’s Newt Gingrich – reputedly on the short-list for becoming Trump’s
vice president.
Yes, Gingrich scolded Trump for his recent comment about the
federal judge. But Gingrich’s approach to politics has been almost as divisive
and destructive.
After Gingrich became speaker of the House in 1995, Washington
was transformed from a place where legislators sought common ground into a war
zone. Compromise was replaced by brinkmanship, bargaining by obstruction.
According to political scientists Norman Ornstein
and Thomas Mann, “the forces Gingrich unleashed destroyed whatever comity
existed across party lines, activated an extreme and virulently anti-Washington
base — most recently represented by tea party activists — and helped drive moderate
Republicans out of Congress.”
Under Gingrich’s lead, House Republicans closed down the
government when they didn’t get their way on the budget. Then they voted to
impeach Bill Clinton. Gingrich left the House under a cloud, but his legacy
lived on.
House Republicans shut down government again in 2011 in a
dispute over raising the federal debt ceiling — which could have triggered a
government default and risked the creditworthiness of the U.S.
Gingrich has continued down his destructive path. In the
presidential campaign of 2012, he even asserted that public officials aren’t
bound to follow the decisions of federal courts. Trump’s attack on a particular
federal judge is almost tame compared to Gingrich’s sweeping attack on the
entire court system.
Winning by weakening our system of government is heinous. So why
are Republican voters prepared to make Trump president?
Maybe it’s because so many of them have been losing economic
ground for so long they want a winner on their side, even if that winner
sacrifices democracy.
They are deluded. The only real hope for positive change is to
make democracy stronger. The Trump bandwagon is taking us down the road to
tyranny.
ROBERT B. REICH is Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at
the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center
for Developing Economies. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton
administration, for which Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective
cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written fourteen books,
including the best sellers “Aftershock, “The Work of Nations,"
and"Beyond Outrage," and, his most recent, "Saving
Capitalism." He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect
magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy of Arts and
Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary, INEQUALITY FOR ALL.