Trump’s failure to accomplish little or any of his agenda during
his first 100 days shouldn’t blind us to the vast harm he has done in this
comparatively short time to our system of government, especially his
degradation of the presidency.
From early in the Republic, we have looked at the office of the
president as a focal point for the nation’s values.
Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and the two Roosevelts
exemplified for generations of Americans the moral authority of the highest
office in the land. It is not merely what these men accomplished, but how they
did it; not just their policies but their positive effects on the institutions
of democratic governance.
True, many of our presidents have fallen short of those ideals.
But our disappointments in those individuals reflected the high expectations we
have had for those who hold that office.
Yet under Trump, the moral authority of the presidency has all
but disappeared.
I’m old enough to recall when John F. Kennedy invited the
world’s great artists, writers, and philosophers to dine at the White House.
The nation felt ennobled.
Donald Trump invites Sarah Palin and Ted Nugent, who once called
President Obama a “mongrel,” and we feel sullied.
But it has not just been Trump’s vulgarity.
There have also been Trump’s lies – blatant, continuous, and
unsubstantiated even after the lack of evidence has been pointed out
repeatedly.
Prior presidents have embellished the truth and on occasion have
lied about a particular important thing, such as the existence of weapons of
mass destruction in Iraq.
But never before Trump have we had a president who chronically
lies, whose lies have become an integral part of his presidency even in the
first 100 days.
There is also Trump’s vast family business, from which he
continues to benefit even though the decisions he makes in office affect what
he earns, and the almost certain decisions by foreign governments to curry
favor with him by bestowing benefits on his business.
Trump shrugs off such conflicts – even refusing to release his
tax returns, even inviting his daughter and son-in-law, each with their own
businesses and conflicts of interest, to join him at the highest reaches of the
White House.
Some presidents have profited from their presidencies after they
leave office through large speaking fees and book contracts. But never before
Trump have we had a president for whom conflicts of financial interest during
his presidency are so flagrant yet ignored.
The first 100 days has also been marked by Trump’s divisiveness
– turning Americans against each other, legitimizing hatefulness toward
Mexican-Americans and Muslim-Americans and African-Americans, fueling violence
between his supporters and his opponents.
We have had divisive elections before. But after them, other
presidents have sought to heal the wounds. Even after the horrors of the Civil
War, Lincoln famously asked us to come together without malice.
Trump, by contrast, has fomented the warring camps – calling his
opponents “enemies,” suggesting they are plotting against his administration,
and staging rallies to encourage and fuel his bedrock supporters.
We have also seen Trump’s cruelty – toward refugees,
undocumented immigrants, and the poor among us. He has issued a budget that
would deeply harm the least advantaged Americans, and supported a repeal of the
Affordable Care Act that would also hurt those most in need.
He has refused asylum to refugees at a time when the world faces
the largest refugee crisis since World War II, and unleashed immigration
enforcers on 11 million residents of the United States, many of whom have been
productive members of their communities for years. He has even deported people
who have been here since childhood and know no other nation.
Other presidents have on occasion been cruel. But Trump’s
cruelty has defied reason. It is utterly unnecessary.
There has also been Trump’s effect on the rest of the world –
legitimizing crude nationalism and hateful xenophobia. He has promoted France’s
Marine Le Pen and encouraged authoritarians such as Turkey’s Tayyip Erdogan,
while at the same time confusing our democratic allies and friends.
Finally, there is Donald Trump himself – who in the first 100
days as president has shown himself to be narcissistic, xenophobic, paranoid,
vindictive, and thin-skinned; who takes credit for the work of others and
blames others for his own failings; who lashes out at the press and journalists
when they criticize him, and who demonizes judges who disagree with him.
We have before had presidents whose personality defects harmed
their presidencies and tainted the office of the president, such as Richard
Nixon. But Donald Trump is in a different league altogether.
He exhibits the opposite of every civic virtue ever encouraged in our school rooms, town halls, and churches.
He exhibits the opposite of every civic virtue ever encouraged in our school rooms, town halls, and churches.
The first 100 days is an artificial landmark for presidents. But
it does offer an opportunity to pause and assess what they have done. Too
often, though, we think in the narrow gauge of policies and legislation.
With Trump, it’s important to think more broadly. Among the most
significant legacies of his first 100 days is his degrading of the moral
authority of the office of the president, and, thereby, of America.
ROBERT B. REICH is Chancellor's Professor of
Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at
the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He served as Secretary of Labor in
the Clinton administration, for which Time Magazine named him one of the ten
most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written
fourteen books, including the best sellers "Aftershock", "The
Work of Nations," and "Beyond Outrage," and, his most recent,
"Saving Capitalism." He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary,
INEQUALITY FOR ALL.
