By Robert Reich
After more than 100
days into his presidency, it seems fair to ask: What is Donald Trump’s
governing philosophy?
He isn’t really a
Republican (he didn’t join the GOP until 2012). He’s hardly a free-market
conservative (he’s eager to block trade and immigration). No one would mistake
him for a libertarian (he’s okay with preventing abortions and gay marriage).
So what is he? An
authoritarian.
Political scientists
use this term to describe a way of governing that values order and control over
personal freedom, and seeks to concentrate power in the hands of a single
“strongman.”
Viewed through the
lens of authoritarianism, Trump’s approach to governing is logical and
coherent.
For example, an
authoritarian wouldn’t follow the normal process in a constitutional democracy
for disputing a judicial decision he dislikes – which is to appeal it to a
higher court.
An authoritarian would
instead assail judges who rule against him, as Trump has done repeatedly.
Likewise, an
authoritarian has no patience for normal legislative rules – designed, as they
are in a democracy, to create opportunities for deliberation.
Which is why Trump
told Mitch McConnell to use the “nuclear option” against the time-honored
Senate filibuster, in order to confirm Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court.
Last week, Trump
called House and Senate rules “archaic,” and urged they be abandoned. “We don’t
have a lot of closers in politics, and I understand why: It’s a very rough
system. It’s an archaic system,” he said.
Through the eyes of an
authoritarian, rules that block what the authoritarian wants to do are always
“bad for the country,” as Trump said of them.
Trump would like to
get rid of the filibuster altogether. “The filibuster concept is not a good concept to start off with.”
An authoritarian also
seeks to intimidate the press, in order to avoid criticism and consolidate his
power.
Trump still doesn’t
miss an opportunity to assail the media for publishing “fake news.” His chief of staff has revived Trump’s campaign proposal to widen
libel laws so that he can sue the press for stories he doesn’t like.
Authoritarians do not
tolerate other levels of government with their own powers and responsibilities.
Which is why Trump wants to force states and cities to report on unauthorized
immigrants, even though this violates the principle of federalism enshrined in
the 10th Amendment.
Finally,
authoritarians promote other authoritarians, in an effort to normalize authoritarian
rule.
Last Saturday, Trump
invited President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines to visit the White House.
Duterte, you should
know, is an authoritarian leader accused of ordering extrajudicial killings of
thousands of people suspected of using or selling narcotics as well as others
who may have had no involvement with drugs.
He has referred to
former President Barack Obama as a “son of a whore.” And he has declared open
season on suspected terrorists, saying that if he were presented with a suspected
terrorist, “give me salt and vinegar and I’ll eat his liver.”
Two weeks ago, Trump
phoned to congratulate President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey for his victory in a referendum filled
with voting irregularities that expanded Erdogan’s powers and has put Turkey on
the road to dictatorship.
Trump also opined that
the recent terrorist attack in Paris will help the right-wing extremist Marine
Le Pen.
Trump has praised
President Xi Jinping of
China, the most authoritarian leader China has had since Mao Zedong.
Trump also hosted at the White House Egyptian president Abdel Fattah
el-Sisi, who had not been granted an invitation to the White House since
seizing power in a military coup almost four years ago.
And don’t forget
Trump’s vow during the presidential campaign to pursue a warmer relationship
with President Vladimir
V. Putin of Russia. (The effort has faltered in light of
possible links between the Trump campaign and Russian officials.)
Donald Trump’s
authoritarianism is a consistent and coherent philosophy of governing. But it’s
not America’s.
In fact, the Framers
of the U.S. Constitution created separation of powers, checks and balances, and
federalism precisely to avoid concentrated power. Their goal was to stop
authoritarians like Donald Trump.
Not long ago Trump
adviser Stephen Miller declared “the powers of the president to protect our
country are very substantial and will not be questioned.” Washington, Adams,
Jefferson, Franklin, and Hamilton would have been appalled.
ROBERT B. REICH is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at
the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center
for Developing Economies. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton
administration, for which Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective
cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written fourteen books,
including the best sellers "Aftershock", "The Work of
Nations," and "Beyond Outrage," and, his most recent,
"Saving Capitalism." He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary,
INEQUALITY FOR ALL.
