By Robert
Reich
Rep. Al Green (D-Texas) is already drafting articles of
impeachment related to Trump’s firing of FBI Director James Comey, believing
there’s enough evidence of Trump’s obstruction of justice to begin an
impeachment inquiry (not to mention Trump’s blatant violation of the
Constitutions emoluments clause by profiting off his presidency, and much
else).
But Democratic leaders are pushing back, warning there aren’t
enough facts to justify an impeachment inquiry at this point, and, in any
event, such an inquiry would politicize ongoing congressional
investigations.
Baloney.
Historically, the three previous impeachment inquiries in the
House (involving presidents Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Bill Clinton)
rested on less evidence of obstruction of justice than is already publicly
known about Trump.
In addition, we have Trump’s interview with Lester Holt on NBC
and Trump’s subsequent meeting with Russian officials in the Oval Office.
In both instances, Trump connected his firing of Comey with the
Russian investigation.
Also bear in mind the obstructions of justice that caused the
House to impeach previous presidents concerned issues far less serious than
Trump’s possible collusion with a foreign power to win election.
Democratic leaders say they don’t want to talk about impeachment
now because they’re worried about politicizing the current
congressional investigations, which aren’t impeachment inquiries.
Hello? Republicans have already politicized them.
The real reason Democratic leaders don’t want to seek an
impeachment now is they know there’s zero chance that Republicans, who now
control both houses of Congress, would support such a move.
So why engage in a purely symbolic gesture?
Democratic leaders figure that between now and the midterm
elections there will be even more revelations from non-partisan sources –
future testimony by Trump operatives like Michael Flynn and Roger Stone, early
reports from Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation, and leaks to the
press – that will build the case, and fuel more public outrage.
That outrage will give Democrats a strong chance of taking back
the House and maybe even the Senate. Then they’ll really impeach
Trump.
I can’t argue with the political logic of Democratic leaders.
And if their strategy will lead to Trump’s ouster sooner than any other way,
I’m all for it.
But here’s the problem.
It’s not clear America can wait for the midterm elections,
followed by what’s likely to be a long and drawn-out impeachment investigation,
followed by a trial in the Senate. (Note that none of the presidents listed
above was ever convicted by the Senate and thrown out of office.)
With each passing day, Donald Trump becomes a greater danger to
America and the world. We don’t have time.
The advantage of introducing a bill of impeachment now – even attempting to
do so – is that such an action might itself galvanize the vast majority of
Americans who want Trump out of office. It could mobilize and energize people
around the most important immediate issue facing the country.
Never underestimate the power of a public aroused to
action. It is worth recalling that Nixon resigned of his own accord
before the House had even voted out an impeachment resolution. The American
public demanded it.
ROBERT B. REICH is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at
the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center
for Developing Economies. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton
administration, for which Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective
cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written fourteen books,
including the best sellers "Aftershock", "The Work of
Nations," and "Beyond Outrage," and, his most recent,
"Saving Capitalism." He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary,
INEQUALITY FOR ALL.
