Unfettered Corporate
Power
Once upon a time,
there was a debate on how best to check the power of giant corporations.
Starting in the Progressive Era and resuming in the 1970s with the arrival of agencies such as the EPA and OSHA, some emphasized the role of government through regulation.
Others focused on the role of the courts, especially through the kind of class action lawsuits pioneered by lawyers such as Harold Kohn in the 1960s.
Starting in the Progressive Era and resuming in the 1970s with the arrival of agencies such as the EPA and OSHA, some emphasized the role of government through regulation.
Others focused on the role of the courts, especially through the kind of class action lawsuits pioneered by lawyers such as Harold Kohn in the 1960s.
When regulators were
seen as too aggressive, business apologists pushed back by arguing that
corporate misconduct should be addressed through litigation.
When class actions grew more effective, those apologists started lobbying for tort reform and arguing that regulatory agencies (especially those dominated by industry) were the better forum.
When class actions grew more effective, those apologists started lobbying for tort reform and arguing that regulatory agencies (especially those dominated by industry) were the better forum.
This year, amid a
supposed populist upsurge, that debate is dying out. The Republican-controlled
Congress and the White House are undermining both regulation
and litigation.
Virtually all legislative “accomplishments” since Inauguration Day have consisted of Congressional Review Act maneuvers to roll back business regulations.
Now, with the Senate’s move to kill the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s restriction on forced arbitration, Congress has used the same device to reduce the ability of consumers to seek redress through the courts — what Sen. Elizabeth Warren aptly described as “a giant wet kiss to Wall Street.”
Virtually all legislative “accomplishments” since Inauguration Day have consisted of Congressional Review Act maneuvers to roll back business regulations.
Now, with the Senate’s move to kill the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s restriction on forced arbitration, Congress has used the same device to reduce the ability of consumers to seek redress through the courts — what Sen. Elizabeth Warren aptly described as “a giant wet kiss to Wall Street.”
The result of these moves is that big business is increasingly being allowed to operate with no effective controls at all. This unilateral disarmament is taking place when corporate misconduct is rampant. Among the companies that will benefit from the arbitration move are the likes of Wells Fargo and Equifax, whose willingness to mistreat customers has been truly astounding.
We should be careful,
however, not to overstate the effectiveness of damage awards in class action
lawsuits in changing corporate behavior. It’s unfortunately true that large
corporations have come to regard substantial monetary settlements as an
acceptable cost of doing business.
That’s true both of
private litigation and cases brought by regulatory agencies and the Justice
Department. As shown in Violation
Tracker, 40 corporations have paid $1 billion or more in fines and
settlements. Seven of those have paid $10 billion or more, including all the
giant national banks: Bank of America ($57 billion), JPMorgan Chase ($29
billion), Citigroup ($16 billion) and Wells Fargo ($11 billion).
These amounts have
involved scores of different cases dating back to 2000. In other words, the
banks are repeat violators that are willing to pay out large sums in order to
continue doing business more or less as usual. More class action lawsuits are
unlikely to change this dynamic.
I believe that banks
and other large corporations should continue to face heavy financial penalties
for their misconduct, but it has become clear that these penalties alone are
not going to put an end to the corporate crime wave. It’s time to go beyond
damages in addressing the damage caused by these companies.