Is punishment as effective as we think?
Hokkaido University
Punishment might not
be an effective means to get members of society to cooperate for the common
good, according to a social dilemma experiment.
A game to study human
behavior has shown punishment is an ineffective means for promoting cooperation
among players. The result has implications for understanding how cooperation
has evolved to have a formative role in human societies.
Human societies
maintain their stability by forming cooperative partnerships. But, cooperation
often comes at a cost.
For example, a person taking time to raise the alarm in order to alert other members of a group to impending danger could be losing valuable time to save oneself. It is unclear why natural selection favors cooperativeness among individuals who are inherently selfish.
For example, a person taking time to raise the alarm in order to alert other members of a group to impending danger could be losing valuable time to save oneself. It is unclear why natural selection favors cooperativeness among individuals who are inherently selfish.
In theoretical
studies, punishment is often seen as a means to coerce people into being more
cooperative. To examine such theory, a team of international researchers led by
Marko Jusup of Hokkaido University in Japan and Zhen Wang of Northwestern
Polytechnical University in China has conducted a "social dilemma
experiment."
The team investigated if providing punishment as an option helps improve the overall level of cooperation in an unchanging network of individuals.
The team investigated if providing punishment as an option helps improve the overall level of cooperation in an unchanging network of individuals.
They used a version of
the commonly employed "prisoner's dilemma" game. Two hundred and
twenty-five students in China were organized into three trial groups and played
50 rounds each of the game.
In group one, every
student played with two opponents which changed every round. The students could
choose between "cooperate" or "defect," and points were
given based on the combined choices made.
If a student and the two opponents chose "defect," the student gained zero points. If they all chose "cooperate," the student gained four points. If only a student chose to defect while the other two chose to cooperate, the gain for the student was eight points.
If a student and the two opponents chose "defect," the student gained zero points. If they all chose "cooperate," the student gained four points. If only a student chose to defect while the other two chose to cooperate, the gain for the student was eight points.
The second group was
similar to the first one in every aspect except that the people playing the
game with each other remained the same for the duration of the 50 rounds,
enabling them to learn each other's characteristics.
In the third group,
players also remained the same. However, a new option, "punish," was
introduced. Choosing punishment led to a small reduction in points for the
punisher and a larger reduction of points for the punishees.
At the end of the
game, overall points were counted and the students were given monetary
compensation based on the number of points won.
The expectation is
that, as individuals play more with the same opponents over several rounds,
they see the benefit of cooperating in order to gain more points. Introducing
punishment as an option is basically saying: if you don't cooperate with me,
I'll punish you. In theory, it is expected that applying this option would lead
to more cooperation.
The researchers found
that players in the constantly changing groups cooperated much less (4%) than
those in the static groups (38%), where they were able to establish which
players were willing to cooperate and thus gain a larger average financial
payoff for all involved.
Surprisingly, however,
adding punishment as an option did not improve the level of cooperation (37%).
The final financial payoffs in this trial group were also, on average,
significantly less than those gained by players in the static group.
Interestingly, less defection was seen in the punishment group when compared to
the static group; some players replaced defection with punishment.
"While the implied
message when punishing someone is 'I want you to be cooperative,' the immediate
effect is more consistent with the message 'I want to hurt you,'" write
the researchers in their study published in the journal Proceedings of
the National Academy of Sciences.
Punishment seems to
have an overall demoralizing effect, as individuals who get punished on
multiple occasions may see a good chunk of their total payoff vanish in a short
period of time, explain the researchers.
This could lead players to lose interest in the game and play the remaining rounds with less of a rational strategy. The availability of punishment as an option also seems to reduce the incentive to choose cooperation over competition.
This could lead players to lose interest in the game and play the remaining rounds with less of a rational strategy. The availability of punishment as an option also seems to reduce the incentive to choose cooperation over competition.
Why, then, is
punishment so pervasive in human societies? "It could be that human brains
are hardwired to derive pleasure from punishing competitors," says Jusup.
"However, it is more likely that, in real life, a dominant side has the
ability to punish without provoking retaliation," adds Wang.
Although the study
provides valuable insights into how cooperation arises in human society, the
team advises it would be unwise to extrapolate the implications of their study
far beyond the experimental setting.