The Biggest Economic Problem You’re Hearing Almost Nothing
About
By Robert Reich
To watch this video on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLfO-2t1qPQ
Not long ago I visited some farmers in Missouri whose profits are disappearing. Why? Monsanto alone owns the key genetic traits to more than 90 percent of the soybeans planted by farmers in the United States, and 80 percent of the corn. Which means Monsanto can charge farmers much higher prices.
Farmers are getting squeezed from the other side, too, because the food
processors they sell their produce to are also consolidating into mega
companies that have so much market power they can cut the prices they pay to
farmers.
This doesn’t mean lower food prices to you. It means more profits to the
monopolists.
Monopolies All Around
America used to have antitrust laws that stopped corporations from
monopolizing markets, and often broke up the biggest culprits. No longer. It’s
a hidden upward redistribution of money and power from the majority of
Americans to corporate executives and wealthy shareholders.
You may think you have lots of choices, but take a closer look:
1. The four largest food companies control 82 percent of beef packing, 85 percent of soybean processing, 63 percent of pork packing, and 53 percent of chicken processing.
2. There are many brands of toothpaste, but 70 percent of all of it comes
from just two companies.
3. You may think you have your choice of sunglasses, but they’re almost
all from one company: Luxottica – which also owns nearly all the eyeglass
retail outlets.
4. Practically every plastic hanger in America is now made by one company,
Mainetti.
5. What brand of cat food should you buy? Looks like lots of brands but
behind them are basically just two companies.
6. What about your pharmaceuticals? Yes, you can get low-cost generic
versions. But drug companies are in effect paying the makers of generic drugs
to delay cheaper versions. Such “pay for delay” agreements are illegal in other
advanced economies, but antitrust enforcement hasn’t laid a finger on them in
America. They cost you and me an estimated $3.5 billion a year.
7. You think your health insurance will cover the costs? Health insurers
are consolidating, too. Which is one reason your health insurance premiums,
copayments, and deductibles are soaring.
8. You think you have a lot of options for booking discount airline
tickets and hotels online? Think again. You have only two. Expedia merged with
Orbitz, so that’s one company. And then there’s Priceline.
9. How about your cable and Internet service? Basically just four
companies (and two of them just announced they’re going to merge).
Why the Monopolization of America is a Huge Problem
The problem with all this consolidation into a handful of giant firms is
they don’t have to compete. Which means they can – and do – jack up your
prices.
Such consolidation keeps down wages. Workers with less choice of whom to
work for have a harder time getting a raise. When local labor markets are
dominated by one major big box retailer, or one grocery chain, for example,
those firms essentially set wage rates for the area.
These massive corporations also have a lot of political clout. That’s one
reason they’re consolidating: Power.
Antitrust laws were supposed to stop what’s been going on. But today,
they’re almost a dead letter.
This hurts you.
This hurts you.
We’ve Forgotten History
The first antitrust law came in 1890 when Senator John Sherman responded
to public anger about the economic and political power of the huge railroad,
steel, telegraph, and oil cartels – then called “trusts” – that were
essentially running America.
A handful of corporate chieftains known as “robber barons” presided over
all this – collecting great riches at the expense of workers who toiled long
hours often in dangerous conditions for little pay. Corporations gouged
consumers and corrupted politics.
Then in 1901, progressive reformer Teddy Roosevelt became president. By
this time, the American public was demanding action.
In his first message to Congress in December 1901, only two months after
assuming the presidency, Roosevelt warned, “There is a widespread conviction in
the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as the
trusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general
welfare.”
Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Act to go after the Northern
Securities Company, a giant railroad trust run by J. P. Morgan, the nation’s
most powerful businessman. The U.S. Supreme Court backed Roosevelt and ordered
the company dismantled.
In 1911, John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Trust was broken up, too. But
in its decision, the Supreme Court effectively altered the Sherman Act, saying
that monopolistic restraints of trade were objectionable if they were
“unreasonable” – and that determination was to be made by the courts. What was
an unreasonable restraint of trade?
In the presidential election of 1912, Roosevelt, running again for
president but this time as a third party candidate, said he would allow some
concentration of industries where there were economic efficiencies due to large
scale. He’d then he’d have experts regulate these large corporations for the
public benefit.
Woodrow Wilson, who ended up winning the election, and his adviser Louis
Brandeis, took a different view. They didn’t think regulation would work, and
thought all monopolies should be broken up.
For the next 65 years, both views dominated. We had strong antitrust
enforcement along with regulations that held big corporations in check.
Most big mergers were prohibited. Even large size was thought to be a
problem. In 1945, in the case of United States v. Alcoa(1945), the
Supreme Court ruled that even though Alcoa hadn’t pursued a monopoly, it had
become one by becoming so large that it was guilty of violating the Sherman
Act.
What Happened to Antitrust?
All this changed in the 1980s, after Robert Bork – who, incidentally, I
studied antitrust law with at Yale Law School, and then worked for when he
became Solicitor General under President Ford – wrote an influential book
called The Antitrust Paradox, which argued that the sole
purpose of the Sherman Act is consumer welfare.
Bork argued that mergers and large size almost always create efficiencies
that bring down prices, and therefore should be legal. Bork’s ideas were
consistent with the conservative Chicago School of Economics, and found a ready
audience in the Reagan White House.
Bork was wrong. But since then, even under Democratic administrations,
antitrust has all but disappeared.
The Monopolization of High Tech
We’re seeing declining competition even in cutting-edge, high-tech
industries.
In the new economy, information and ideas are the most valuable forms of
property. This is where the money is.
We haven’t seen concentration on this scale ever before.
Google and Facebook are now the first stops for many Americans seeking
news. Meanwhile, Amazon is now the first stop for more than a half of American
consumers seeking to buy anything. Talk about power.
Contrary to the conventional view of an American economy bubbling with
innovative small companies, the reality is quite different. The rate at which
new businesses have formed in the United States has slowed markedly since the
late 1970s.
Big Tech’s sweeping patents, standard platforms, fleets of lawyers to
litigate against potential rivals, and armies of lobbyists have created
formidable barriers to new entrants. Google’s search engine is so dominant,
“Google” has become a verb.
The European Union filed formal antitrust charges against Google, accusing
it of forcing search engine users into its own shopping platforms. And last
June, it fined Google a record $2.7 billion.
But not in America.
It’s Time to Revive Antitrust
Economic and political power cannot be separated because dominant
corporations gain political influence over how markets are organized,
maintained, and enforced – which enlarges their economic power further.
One of the original goals of the antitrust laws was to prevent this.
Big Tech — along with the drug, insurance, agriculture, and financial
giants — is coming to dominate both our economy and our politics.
There’s only one answer: It is time to revive antitrust.
Robert B. Reich is
Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at
Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He
served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, for which Time
Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the
twentieth century. He has written fifteen books, including the best sellers
"Aftershock", "The Work of Nations," and"Beyond
Outrage," and, his most recent, "The Common Good," which is
available in bookstores now. He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary,
"Inequality For All." He's co-creator of the Netflix original
documentary "Saving Capitalism," which is streaming now.