By Robert Reich
On May 30, Federal bank regulators
proposed to allow Wall Street more freedom to make riskier bets with
federally-insured bank deposits – such as the money in your checking and
savings accounts.
The proposal waters down the so-called “Volcker Rule” (named after former Fed chair Paul Volcker, who proposed it). The Volcker Rule was part of the Dodd-Frank Act, passed after the near meltdown of Wall Street in 2008 in order to prevent future near meltdowns.
The Volcker Rule was itself a
watered-down version of the 1930s Glass-Steagall Act, enacted in response to
the Great Crash of 1929.
Glass-Steagall forced banks to choose between being commercial banks, taking in regular deposits and lending them out, or being investment banks that traded on their own capital.
Glass-Steagall forced banks to choose between being commercial banks, taking in regular deposits and lending them out, or being investment banks that traded on their own capital.
Glass-Steagall’s key principle was
to keep risky assets away from insured deposits. It worked well for more than
half century.
Then Wall Street saw opportunities to make lots of money by betting on stocks, bonds, and derivatives (bets on bets) – and in 1999 persuaded Bill Clinton and a Republican congress to repeal it.
Then Wall Street saw opportunities to make lots of money by betting on stocks, bonds, and derivatives (bets on bets) – and in 1999 persuaded Bill Clinton and a Republican congress to repeal it.
Nine years later, Wall Street had to
be bailed out, and millions of Americans lost their savings, their jobs, and
their homes.
Why didn’t America simply reinstate
Glass-Steagall after the last financial crisis? Because too much money was at
stake.
Wall Street was intent on keeping the door open to making bets with commercial deposits. So instead of Glass-Steagall, we got the Volcker Rule – almost 300 pages of regulatory mumbo-jumbo, riddled with exemptions and loopholes.
Wall Street was intent on keeping the door open to making bets with commercial deposits. So instead of Glass-Steagall, we got the Volcker Rule – almost 300 pages of regulatory mumbo-jumbo, riddled with exemptions and loopholes.
Now those loopholes and exemptions
are about to get even bigger, until they swallow up the Volcker Rule
altogether. If the latest proposal goes through, we’ll be nearly back to where
we were before the crash of 2008.
Why should banks ever be permitted
to use peoples’ bank deposits – insured by the federal government – to place
risky bets on the banks’ own behalf? Bankers say the tougher regulatory
standards put them at a disadvantage relative to their overseas competitors.
Baloney. Since the 2008 financial
crisis, Europe has been more aggressive than the United States in clamping down
on banks headquartered there. Britain is requiring its banks to have higher
capital reserves than are so far contemplated in the United States.
The real reason Wall Street has
spent huge sums trying to water down the Volcker Rule is that far vaster sums
can be made if the Rule is out of the way. If you took the greed out of Wall
Street all you’d have left is pavement.
As a result of consolidations
brought on by the Wall Street bailout, the biggest banks today are bigger and
have more clout than ever.
They and their clients know with certainty they will be bailed out if they get into trouble, which gives them a financial advantage over smaller competitors whose capital doesn’t come with such a guarantee. So they’re becoming even more powerful.
They and their clients know with certainty they will be bailed out if they get into trouble, which gives them a financial advantage over smaller competitors whose capital doesn’t come with such a guarantee. So they’re becoming even more powerful.
The only answer is to break up the
giant banks.
The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 was designed not only to improve economic efficiency by reducing the market power of economic giants like the railroads and oil companies but also to prevent companies from becoming so large that their political power would undermine democracy.
The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 was designed not only to improve economic efficiency by reducing the market power of economic giants like the railroads and oil companies but also to prevent companies from becoming so large that their political power would undermine democracy.
The sad lesson of Dodd-Frank and the
Volcker Rule is that Wall Street is too powerful to allow effective regulation
of it. America should have learned that lesson in 2008 as the Street brought
the rest of the economy - and much of the world - to its knees.
If Trump were a true populist on the
side of the people rather than powerful financial interests, he’d lead the way,
as did Teddy Roosevelt starting in 1901.
But Trump is a fake populist. After
all, he appointed the bank regulators who are now again deregulating Wall
Street. Trump would rather stir up public rage against foreigners than address
the true abuses of power inside America.
So we may have to wait until we have
a true progressive populist president. Or until Wall Street nearly implodes
again – robbing millions more of their savings, jobs, and homes. And the public
once again demands action.
Robert
B. Reich is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of
California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center for Developing
Economies. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, for
which Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries
of the twentieth century. He has written fifteen books, including the best
sellers "Aftershock", "The Work of Nations," and "Beyond
Outrage," and, his most recent, "The Common Good," which is
available in bookstores now. He is also a founding editor of the American
Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentary,
"Inequality For All." He's co-creator of the Netflix original
documentary "Saving Capitalism," which is streaming now.