By Logan
Jaffe, Lydia DePillis, Isaac Arnsdorf and J. David McSwane for ProPublica
They came with plastic handcuffs, prepared to "arrest" members of Congress. A gallows had already been set up outside. Getty Images |
For weeks, the far-right supporters of President Donald Trump railed on social media that the election had been stolen.
They openly discussed
the idea of violent protest on the day Congress met to certify the result.
“We came up with the idea to occupy just outside the CAPITOL
on Jan 6th,” leaders of the Stop the Steal movement wrote on Dec. 23. They
called their Wednesday demonstration the Wild Protest, a name taken from a tweet by Trump that encouraged his supporters to
take their grievances to the streets of Washington. “Will be wild,” the
president tweeted.
AFP via Getty Images |
Thousands of people heeded that call.
For reasons that remained unclear Wednesday night, the law
enforcement authorities charged with protecting the nation’s entire legislative
branch — nearly all of the 535 members of Congress gathered in a joint session,
along with Vice President Mike Pence — were ill-prepared to contain the forces
massed against them.
Why such a thin Blue Line? AFP via Getty Images |
They struggled with a flimsy set of barricades as a mob in helmets and bulletproof vests pushed its way toward the Capitol entrance.
Videos showed
officers stepping aside, and sometimes taking selfies, as if to usher Trump’s supporters into the building they were supposed to guard.
A former Capitol policeman well-versed in his agency’s
procedures was mystified by the scene he watched unfold on live television.
Larry Schaefer, a 34-year Capitol Police veteran who retired in December 2019,
said his former colleagues were experienced in dealing with aggressive crowds.
“It’s not a spur-of-the-moment demonstration that just
popped up,” Schaefer said. “We have a planned, known demonstration that has a
propensity for violence in the past and threats to carry weapons — why would
you not prepare yourself as we have done in the past?”
A spokesperson for the Capitol Police did not respond to a
request for comment.
Trump rioter strolls through the Capitol with a Confederate flag as a Capitol cop watches |
In October, the FBI arrested a group of Michigan extremists and charged them with plotting to kidnap the state’s governor.
On Monday, Washington police arrested
Enrique Tarrio, the leader of the far-right group the Proud Boys, on charges of
burning a Black Lives Matter banner.
Conversations on right-wing platforms are monitored closely
by federal intelligence. In September, a draft report by the Department of
Homeland Security surfaced, identifying white supremacists as the biggest
threat to national security.
The warnings of Wednesday’s assault on the Capitol were
everywhere — perhaps not entirely specific about the planned time and exact
location of an assault on the Capitol, but enough to clue in law enforcement
about the potential for civil unrest.
On Dec. 12, a poster on the website MyMilitia.com urged
violence if senators made official the victory of President-elect Joe Biden.
“If this does not change, then I advocate, Revolution and
adherence to the rules of war,” wrote someone identifying themselves as I3DI.
“I say, take the hill or die trying.”
Wrote another person: “It’s already apparent that literally
millions of Americans are on the verge of activating their Second Amendment
duty to defeat tyranny and save the republic.”
The easily overpowered police force guarding the Capitol on
Wednesday posed a stark contrast to the tactics deployed by local police during
this summer’s Black Lives Matter protests. Then, the city felt besieged by law enforcement.
This is how police dealt with a peaceful protest to clear the way for Trump's famous June 1 photo op. Getty Images. |
“We need to dominate the battlespace,” then-Secretary of Defense
Mark Esper said on a call with dozens of governors, asking them to send their
National Guard forces to the capital.
On June 2 — the day of the primary election in Washington —
law enforcement officers appeared on every corner, heavily armed in fatigues
and body armor. Humvees blocked intersections. Buses full of troops deployed
into military columns and marshaled in front of the Lincoln Memorial in a raw
show of force. Police kettled protesters in alleys. Choppers thudded overhead
for days and sank low enough over protesters to generate
gale-force winds.
Such dominance was nowhere in evidence Wednesday, despite a
near-lockdown of the downtown area on Tuesday night. Trump supporters drove to
the Capitol and parked in spaces normally reserved for congressional staff.
Some vehicles stopped on the lawns near the Tidal Basin.
The contrast shook Washington’s attorney general, Karl
Racine, who seemed to be almost in disbelief on CNN Wednesday evening.
“There was zero intelligence that the Black Lives Matter
protesters were going to ‘storm the capitol,’” he remembered, after ticking
down the many police forces present in June. “Juxtapose that with what we saw
today, with hate groups, militia and other groups that have no respect for the
rule of law go into the capitol. ... That dichotomy is shocking.”
The question of how law enforcement and the national
security establishment failed so spectacularly will likely be the subject of
intense focus in coming days.
David Carter, director of the Intelligence Program at
Michigan State University, said that sometimes, the best intelligence in the world
doesn’t translate into adequate preparedness. Perhaps the security officials
responsible for protecting the Capitol simply could not envision that a crowd
of Americans would charge through a police line and shatter the glass windows
that stood as the only physical barrier to entering the building.
“I go back to the 9/11 commission report,” Carter said. “It
was a failure of imagination. They didn’t imagine something like this. Would
you imagine people were going to break into the Capitol and go into the
chambers? That failure of imagination sometimes makes us drop the ball.”
Maya Eliahou contributed reporting.
Logan Jaffe is the engagement reporter for ProPublica
Illinois.
Lydia DePillis covers trade and the economy.
Isaac Arnsdorf is a reporter at ProPublica covering
national politics.
J. David McSwane is a reporter in ProPublica’s D.C.
office covering healthcare, energy, federal contracts, and land issues.
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This story is part of an ongoing collaboration between
ProPublica and FRONTLINE that includes an upcoming documentary