America’s Greatest Danger isn’t China. It’s Much Closer to Home.
By Robert Reich
China’s increasingly aggressive geopolitical and economic stance in the world is unleashing a fierce bipartisan backlash in America.That’s fine if it leads to
more public investment in basic research, education, and infrastructure – as
did the Sputnik shock of the late 1950s. But it poses dangers as well.
More than 60 years ago, the sudden and palpable fear that the Soviet Union was lurching ahead of us shook America out of a postwar complacency and caused the nation to do what it should have been doing for many years.
Even though we did
it under the pretext of national defense – we called it the National Defense
Education Act and the National Defense Highway Act and relied on the Defense
Advanced Research Projects Administration for basic research leading to
semiconductors, satellite technology, and the Internet – the result was to
boost US productivity and American wages for a generation.
When the Soviet Union began to implode, America found its next foil in Japan.
Japanese-made cars were taking market share away from the Big Three automakers.
Meanwhile, Mitsubishi bought a substantial interest in the Rockefeller Center,
Sony purchased Columbia Pictures, and Nintendo considered buying the Seattle
Mariners.
By the late 1980s and start of the 1990s, countless congressional
hearings were held on the Japanese “challenge” to American competitiveness and
the Japanese “threat” to American jobs.
A tide of books demonized Japan – Pat Choate’s Agents of Influence alleged Tokyo’s alleged payoffs to influential Americans were designed to achieve “effective political domination over the United States.“
Clyde
Prestowitz’s Trading Places argued that because of our failure
to respond adequately to the Japanese challenge “the power of the United States
and the quality of American life is diminishing rapidly in every respect.”
William S Dietrich’s In the Shadow of the Rising Sun claimed
Japan “threatens our way of life and ultimately our freedoms as much as past
dangers from Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.“
Robert Zielinski and Nigel Holloway’s Unequal Equities argued
that Japan rigged its capital markets to undermine American corporations.
Daniel Burstein’s Yen! Japan’s New Financial Empire and Its Threat to
America asserted that Japan’s growing power put the United States at
risk of falling prey to a “hostile Japanese … world order.”
And on it went: The Japanese Power Game,The Coming War with
Japan, Zaibatsu America: How Japanese Firms are Colonizing Vital US
Industries, The Silent War, Trade Wars.
But there was no vicious plot. We failed to notice that Japan had invested
heavily in its own education and infrastructure – which enabled it to make
high-quality products that American consumers wanted to buy.
We didn’t see that
our own financial system resembled a casino and demanded immediate profits. We
overlooked that our educational system left almost 80% of our young people
unable to comprehend a news magazine and many others unprepared for work. And
our infrastructure of unsafe bridges and potholed roads were draining our
productivity.
I don’t mean to downplay the challenge China represents to the United States. But throughout America’s postwar history it has been easier to blame others than to blame ourselves.
The greatest danger we face today is not coming from China. It is our drift toward proto-fascism. We must be careful not to demonize China so much that we encourage a new paranoia that further distorts our priorities, encourages nativism and xenophobia, and leads to larger military outlays rather than public investments in education, infrastructure, and basic research on which America’s future prosperity and security critically depend.
The central question for America – an ever more diverse America, whose economy and culture are rapidly fusing with the economies and cultures of the rest of the globe – is whether it is possible to rediscover our identity and our mutual responsibility without creating another enemy.
Robert Reich's latest book is "THE SYSTEM: Who Rigged
It, How To Fix It." He is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the
University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center. He
served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, for which Time
Magazine named him one of the 10 most effective cabinet secretaries of the
twentieth century. He has written 17 other books, including the best sellers
"Aftershock," "The Work of Nations," "Beyond
Outrage," and "The Common Good." He is a founding editor of the
American Prospect magazine, founder of Inequality Media, a member of the
American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning
documentaries "Inequality For All," streaming on YouTube, and
"Saving Capitalism," now streaming on Netflix.