Democrats Must Demand Justice Thomas Resign...and His Wife is Prosecuted
By Thom Hartmann for the Independent Media
Institute
In 1969, Richard Nixon and congressional Republicans took down the Supreme Court’s most liberal member, Abe Fortas, threatening to send his wife to prison. There’s a lesson here for today’s Democrats and Clarence Thomas.
By Mike Luckovich
Today’s Democrats are calling on Clarence Thomas to recuse himself from decisions involving Trump’s conspiracy to
overthrow our government.
They should be calling on him to resign and his wife to be
prosecuted.
It appears that Ginny Thomas, the wife of Supreme Court
Associate Justice Clarence Thomas, participated in a plot to overthrow the
government of the United States. Which is astonishing in and of itself.
But then her husband was the sole vote on the Court to help that same seditious conspiracy:
When Donald Trump sued to block President
Joe Biden from passing presidential papers to the January 6th Committee, the
only vote on the Court to support Trump’s efforts to hide his crime was that of
Clarence Thomas.
Which raises the question: what will Congress and the
Justice Department do about these crimes?
Fifty-four years ago, Republicans went nuts over an “ethics
scandal” involving a Democratic-appointed member of the Court, and their effort
produced so much pressure that he resigned. Carolyn Agger, Justice Fortas' spouse. Her portrait hangs at Yale where
she earned her law degree
Will Democrats similarly force a Thomas resignation, giving
Biden another SCOTUS nominee?
Is that possibility the reason why Lindsey Graham just “hinted” that if the Senate flips Republican in this fall’s 2022
election the GOP will block all Biden appointees to the Court up to and through
the 2024 election?
To understand the possibilities, it’s essential to know the
precedent, how Republicans pulled it off back in 1968/69:
Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas didn’t
resign until President Richard Nixon’s campaign manager and Attorney General,
John Mitchell, threatened to bring felony corruption charges against Fortas’
wife.
But I get ahead of myself. It’s a truly amazing story that
most people alive today know nothing about. It started with “dirty movies”
being shown in the US Capitol.
I remember the “Fortas Film Festival” because, when it started in the summer of 1968, I was a teenage boy and curious about the movies that Senator Strom Thurmond was showing to his male peers in that meeting room in the Capitol.
Most people in America were probably also curious; the
Supreme Court had recently legalized pornography, but watching it back then
meant sitting in a sleazy theater in a sleazy part of town with a bunch of
sleazy characters.
But the infamous segregationist Senator Thurmond was on a
roll in 1968, playing dirty movies back-to-back for any Senator or aide who
wanted to show up. TIME Magazine did a feature on it, noting:
“Day after day last week, Thurmond
buttonholed his colleagues to watch the films in darkened Senate offices. One
aide of Richard Nixon called it ‘the Fortas Film Festival.’ The Senators were
not titillated but shocked, and they left the showings in a grim mood. The
screenings apparently swayed some votes away from Fortas. Senators know that
middle-class opposition to pornography is rising, and the subject—like the
Supreme Court itself—has become a symbol of what is wrong in the U.S.”
The newspapers loved it, as similar “film festivals” popped
up on campuses across the country. Yale, for example, got into the act,
holding their own “Fortas Film Festival” featuring the same movies Thurmond had
shown to the Senate. As The New York Times noted at the time:
“The main feature of the night was ‘Flaming
Creatures,’ seen [months earlier] by members of the Senate Judiciary Committee
during their debate on Justice Fortas’ nomination as Chief Justice. … In the
audience was John T. Rich, editor of the Yale Law Journal. ‘I figured if
Senator Strom Thurmond could see this movie, so could I,’ he said.”
So…what provoked the Fortas Film Festivals?
It was, purely, a burning desire by conservatives to shift
the Supreme Court to the right, amplified by Richard Nixon’s vigorous campaign
that year to become president in the November election.
It started in the last year of LBJ’s presidency.
In June of 1968, Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren —
a liberal who’d been appointed by Dwight Eisenhower — decided to resign from
the Court so that President Lyndon Johnson would have a full six months to
replace him with another liberal.
LBJ proposed elevating the only Jewish member of the US
Supreme Court to become the new Chief Justice (and Homer Thornberry to fill
Warren’s empty seat), but racist and antisemitic “conservatives” like Thurmond
— and presidential candidate Richard Nixon — saw the upcoming hearings as a
grand opportunity.
They postponed Thornberry’s nomination, front-loading the
hearings about putting Fortas in charge of the Court, and then ran an
inquisition into Fortas over a $15,000 speaking fee he’d taken to address a
college group. (Clarence Thomas has also taken $15,000 speaking fees, for the record.)
With that “scandalous” payment — and his vote on the Court
to legalize pornography — as the excuses, Republicans and Southern
“conservative” Democrats like Thurmond arrayed a Senate filibuster to block the
liberal Fortas’ elevation to Chief Justice.
It dragged out for months; on October 2, 1968 it became
obvious the filibuster couldn’t be broken and Fortas withdrew his name from consideration for Chief Justice, although he
planned to remain on the Court as an Associate Justice like his peers.
By then it was too late for LBJ to elevate another liberal
to Chief Justice (Warren stayed on the Court for another half-year to provide
continuity) and also too late for LBJ’s nominee Thornberry to even be
considered to replace Warren’s empty seat before the presidential election four
weeks later.
But that was just the beginning.
Once Nixon came into office on January 20, 1969 he put
ending the Court’s “liberal” bent at the top of his agenda. That meant
not only replacing Warren (who stayed on until June 23, 1969), but, to tip the
Court conservative, getting rid of it’s most liberal member, Abe Fortas.
Attorney General John Mitchell ordered the Justice
Department to begin an investigation into Fortas’ wife, Carolyn Agger, who was
a lawyer with the DC firm that had previously employed Fortas.
Rightwing media had claimed — without evidence — that
documents that might be found in a safe in her office might prove she was
involved in a tax-evasion scheme.
There was never any evidence whatsoever, either of Fortas
or his wife being corrupt. It was and is not illegal to take a speaking fee:
members of the Court do so routinely today. And there was nothing incriminating
in her safe.
But Richard Nixon, John Mitchell, and Abe Fortas knew the old legal saw: “A grand jury can indict a ham sandwich.”
Mitchell had also dredged up another payment that Fortas
had earned, this one $20,000 a year for serving on the board of a charitable
foundation (not uncommon for high-end DC lawyers then or now).
This was also totally legal (and nothing compared to the hundreds
of thousands of dollars Ginny Thomas has taken from rightwing groups since her
husband was put on the Court) but Fortas gave back the money
anyway.
Not only did that not help: his returning the money
was, Nixon charged, proof that it was corrupt in the first place!
Mitchell then announced he was going to have a Justice
Department lawyer named William Rehnquist convene a grand jury to look into the
“crimes” that right-wingers were claiming Fortas and his wife had committed.
As Nixon’s White House Counsel John Dean, who was there and
knew the players, wrote in his book on the era (The Rehnquist
Choice):
“Did the Justice Department have the goods
on Fortas? Not even close. Mitchell’s talk was pure bluff. … Lyndon Johnson’s
Justice Department had investigated this question [back when Fortas was
nominated for Chief Justice in 1968] and found nothing improper…. Reopening of
the matter by Richard Nixon’s Justice Department was purely a means to torture
Fortas.”
But faced with the possibility of his wife being dragged
through the mud and both of them spending years and a fortune defending
themselves, Fortas threw in the towel. He resigned from the Supreme Court
five months into Nixon’s presidency on May 14, 1969.
With their mission accomplished, Mitchell immediately
dropped the threat of the grand jury. As John Dean noted:
“The Fortas resignation meant that Richard
Nixon now had two seats to fill on the Court: Earl Warren’s center seat and the
seat of Associate Justice Abe Fortas, who was leaving the Court at fifty-nine
years of age. It also meant that two of the Court’s most liberal justices were
gone.
“Nixon’s aggressive posture toward the high
court was paying off in a big way, with the help of John Mitchell and his hard-nosed
team at the Justice Department, Rehnquist among them.”
So, how will it all play out this time?
· Will the Biden administration or Congress make referrals of
Ginny and Clarence Thomas’ participation in a seditious conspiracy to the
Justice Department?
· If they do, will Merrick Garland pick it up like John
Mitchell did in 1969?
· Will Congress take Representative Ilhan Omar’s advice and
begin impeachment proceedings against Thomas?
· Will the media amplify Democrats’ charges against both
Ginny and Clarence the way they went after Abe Fortas for months?
· Will Clarence Thomas gracefully resign his position like
Fortas did?
· If he does, will Republicans block any more Biden nominees
to the Court to replace Thomas?
· Or will the media amplify the voices of Republicans who’re
saying it’s really no big deal, trying to overthrow the government, and that
Thomas should stay on the Court?
Stay tuned…this show is just getting started…
Thom Hartmann is a talk-show host and
the author of The Hidden History of Big Brother in
America and more than 30+ other books in print. He is a writing fellow at the Independent Media Institute and his writings are archived at hartmannreport.com. This article was produced by Economy
for All, a project of the Independent
Media Institute.