If they don't have any money, they can't buy your stuff
CEOs at America’s biggest low-wage employers now take home, on average, 670 times what their typical workers make.
But
we don’t just get unfairness when a boss can grab more in a year than a worker
could make in over six centuries. We get bungling and inefficient businesses.
Management
science has been clear on this point for generations, ever since the days of
the late Peter Drucker.
Management
theorists credit Drucker, a refugee from Nazism in the 1930s, for laying down “the
foundations of management as a scientific discipline.” Drucker’s classic 1946 study of
General Motors established him as the nation’s foremost authority on corporate
effectiveness.
That
effectiveness, Drucker believed, had to rest on fairness.
Corporations that compensate their CEOs at rates far outpacing worker pay create cultures where organizational excellence can never take root. These corporations create ever bigger bureaucracies, with endless layers of management that serve only to prop up huge paychecks at the top.
Drucker
argued that no executive should make more than 25 times what their workers
earn. And, in the two decades after World War II, America’s leading corporate
chiefs by and large accepted Drucker’s perspective.
Their
companies shared the wealth when they bargained with the strong unions of the
postwar years. In fact, notes the
Economic Policy Institute, major U.S. corporate CEOs in 1965 were only
realizing 21 times the pay their workers were pocketing.
Drucker
died in 2005 at age 95. He lived long enough to see Corporate America make a
mockery of his 25-to-1 standard. But research since his death has consistently reaffirmed his
take on the negative impact of wide CEO-worker pay differentials.
The
just-released 28th annual edition of the Institute for Policy Studies Executive Excess report
explores these wide differentials in eye-opening detail. The report zeroes in
on the 300 major U.S. corporations that pay their median workers the least.
At
these 300 firms, average CEO pay last year jumped to $10.6 million, some 670
times their $24,000 median worker pay.
At
over 100 of these firms, worker pay didn’t even keep with inflation. And at
most of those companies, executives wasted millions buying back their own stock
instead of giving workers a raise.
Just
as Drecker predicted, this unfairness has led directly to performance issues.
Many of our nation’s most unequal companies, from Amazon to federal call center
contractor Maximus, have seen repeated walkouts and protests from justifiably
aggrieved workers.
Lawmakers
in Congress, the Institute for Policy Studies points out, could be taking
concrete steps to rein in extreme pay disparities. They could, for instance,
raise taxes on corporations with outrageously wide pay gaps.
But
with this Congress unlikely to act, the new Institute for Policy Studies report
also highlights a promising move the Biden administration could take on its
own. The administration could start using executive action “to give
corporations with narrow pay ratios preferential treatment in government
contracting.”
That
would amount to a major step forward, since 40 percent of our largest low-wage
employers hold federal contracts. If the Biden administration denied lucrative
government contracts to companies with pay gaps over 100 to 1, those low-wage
firms would have a powerful incentive to pay workers more fairly.
Various
federal programs already offer a leg up in contracting to targeted groups,
typically small businesses owned by women, disabled veterans, and minorities.
“Using
public procurement to address extreme disparities within large corporations,”
the IPS report adds, “would be a step towards the same general objective.”
And a step in that direction, as Peter Drucker told Wall Street Journal readers back in 1977, would honor the great achievement of American business in the middle of the 20th century: “the steady narrowing of the income gap between the ‘big boss’ and the ‘working man.’”
Sam Pizzigati
co-edits Inequality.org at the Institute for Policy Studies. His latest
books include The Case for a
Maximum Wage and The Rich Don’t
Always Win. This op-ed was adapted from
Inequality.org and distributed by OtherWords.org.